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<title>Dissertations</title>
<link>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/1663</link>
<description/>
<pubDate>Wed, 08 Apr 2026 23:40:14 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2026-04-08T23:40:14Z</dc:date>
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<title>Agro-economic evaluation of four vegetable cropping patterns for north Florida as influenced by crop and fertilizer management levels</title>
<link>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/2009</link>
<description>Agro-economic evaluation of four vegetable cropping patterns for north Florida as influenced by crop and fertilizer management levels
Palada, Manuel C.
Appropriate crop management technologies for year-round vegetable cropping systems are essential to increase productivity and improve farm income among small-scale vegetable farmers. A 2-year study was conducted to determine and evaluate the influence of crop and fertilizer management levels on productivity, income, and nutrient levels in soil from four vegetable cropping patterns for North Florida and to develop appropriate crop and fertilizer management practices for sequential vegetable cropping systems.&#13;
&#13;
Seven vegetable crops were classified into three management groups (low, LM; medium, MM; and high, HM) and planted in four cropping patterns (HM-KM-HM, LM-IM-LM, HM-MM-LM, and HM-LM-MM). Vegetable crops included bulb onion (Allium cepa L.), collard (Brassica oleracea L. Viridis Group), English pea (Pisum sativum L.), mustard (Brassica juncea L. Czern. and Coss.), pole bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), southern pea (Vigna unguiculata L. Walp.), and crockneck squash (Cucurbita pepo L.). The four cropping pattern main plots were split into three fertilizer level sub-plots (low, medium, and high N and K) arranged in a. randomized block design.&#13;
&#13;
Cropping duration was longest in cropping pattern HM-HM-HM (bulb onion-pole bean-collard) and shortest in LM-LM-LM (English pea-southern pea-southern pea) and HM-LM-MM (bulb onion-southern pea-mustard). At the end of the cropping sequence, soil pH was lower than the initial value in all cropping patterns, but the difference between initial and final pH was greater in cropping patterns HM-HM-HM, HM-MM-LM, and HM-LM-MM than in LM-LM-LM. Soil organic matter content decreased, whereas total soluble salts increased in cropping pattern HM-HM-HM, where high levels of fertilizer were applied. Cropping pattern LM-LM-LM resulted in highest soil organic matter content after harvest of the third crop. Soil N and exchangeable K were significantly higher in cropping pattern HM-HM-HM than in the other cropping patterns. Exchangeable K increased as fertilizer level increased in all cropping patterns.&#13;
&#13;
Increases in marketable yields were not observed with increasing fertilizer level except for bulb onion, squash, and English pea, where significant yield responses resulted from application of the medium fertilizer level. Cropping pattern HM-HM-HM resulted in significantly higher resource use and gross and net incomes, but rates of return to production inputs such as fertilizer, labor, cash, and management were similar among the cropping patterns. Planting low management and a combination of high, medium, and low management crops in sequential vegetable cropping patterns required low production inputs and were efficient and profitable. Such cropping patterns offer greater yield stability and the possibility of improved farm income.
Digital copy available
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 1980 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/2009</guid>
<dc:date>1980-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>Briquette production by the informal sector: The case of UCLA in Iloilo City, Philippines</title>
<link>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/1698</link>
<description>Briquette production by the informal sector: The case of UCLA in Iloilo City, Philippines
Romallosa, Aries Roda D.
The construction and operation of a sanitary landfill (SLF) in the Philippines presents concerns on the regulation of the activities of the informal sector in the area. In anticipation of these directives, an association of informal waste reclaimers group called Uswag Calajunan Livelihood Association, Inc. (UCLA) was formed in May 2009. One option identified was the waste-to-energy activity through the production of fuel briquettes. With the availability of raw materials in the area, what was lacking then was an appropriate technology that would cater to their needs. This study, therefore, presented the case of UCLA on how socio-economic and technical aspects was integrated for the development and improvement of a briquetting technology needed in the production of quality briquettes as part of their income generating activities. A non-experimental posttest only design was utilized for the collection of descriptive information. Descriptions and discussions were also made on the enhancement of the briquetting machine from the first hand-press molder developed until the finalized design was attained.&#13;
&#13;
Results revealed that the improved briquetting technology withstood the wear and tear of operation showing a significant (P&lt;0.01) increase on the production rate (220 pcs/hr; 4 kg/hr) and bulk density (444.83 kg/m3) of briquettes produced. The quality of cylindrical briquettes produced in terms of bulk density, heating value (15.13 MJ/kg), moisture (6.2%), N and S closely met or has met the requirements of DIN 51731. Based on the operating expenses, the briquettes may be marked-up to Php0.25/pc (USD0.006) or Php15.00/kg (USD0.34) for profit generation. The potential daily earnings of Php130.00 (USD2.95) to Php288.56 (USD6.56) generated in producing briquettes are higher when compared to the majority of waste reclaimers’ daily income of Php124.00 (USD2.82). The high positive response (93%) on the usability of briquettes and the willingness of the respondents (81%) to buy them when sold in the market indicates its promising potential as fuel in the nearby communities. Results of briquette production citing the case of UCLA could be considered as potential source of income given the social, technical, economic and environmental feasibility of the experiment. This method of utilizing wastes in an urban setting of a developing country with similar socio-economic and physical set-ups may also be recommended for testing or replication.
Full text dissertation
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 18 May 2017 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/1698</guid>
<dc:date>2017-05-18T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>Determinants of Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) adoption in the Philippines</title>
<link>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/1675</link>
<description>Determinants of Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) adoption in the Philippines
Laquihon, Warlito A.
Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) is one variant of agroforestry developed by and practiced at the Mindanao Baptist Rural Life Center (MBRLC) in Bansalan, Davao del Sur since 1978, SALT has four-fold objectives: to minimize soil erosion, to restore soil fertility, to produce food sustainability, and to generate decent incomes for upland families (Watson and Laquihon, 1985).&#13;
"To achieve its objectives, this upland farming system grows diversified food crops (both short and permanent crops) between thick contour rows of leguminous shrubs and trees spaced 3 to 4 meters apart."&#13;
When these leguminous shrubs and trees (preferably a combination of &lt;em&gt;Leucaena, Gliricidia, Sesbania, Flemingia, Rensonii&lt;/em&gt;, etc.) are 1.5 to 2 meters tall, they are cut to about 40 centimeters from the ground. Their trimmings provide excellent mulch, green manure, and organic materials for the crops in the alleyway. Meanwhile, their roots and stems effectively hold the soil in place.&#13;
More importantly, the crops grown in the alleys provide the family with adequate food and income. Presently, the average annual net income of the 9-year-old SALT demonstration fa rm in Kinuskusan, Bansalan, Davao del Sur, is P14,000 per hectare. This net income is over nine times higher than the average net income of the traditional upland farming system which is only P1,600.00 per hectare per year.&#13;
&#13;
Statement of the Problem&#13;
SALT is found technically feasible and economically viable at the MBRLC experimental fields since its development in 1978. However, it seems that the technology is not so socially acceptable, especially during the first five years of its existence. The adoption rate of SALT by the upland farmers leaves much to be desired. Watson and Laquihon (1981) noted: &#13;
&#13;
"Thousands of farmers have visited our demonstration SALT. During such visits, some become so excited that they hopped from one alley to the next without waiting for the tour guide. To our knowledge, of the thousands who had visited our SALT farm, no farmer criticized the system; but neither did many return home to establish a SALT project."&#13;
&#13;
Interestingly, however, at the middle of the year 1982 many national and even international organizations and their respective farmer-cooperators started to adopt SALT (Table 1). In fact, Rev. Watson has gained international recognition for his pioneering role in SALT and was conferred the prestigious “Ramon Magsaysay Foundation Award for International Understanding” in 1985 for encouraging adoption of SALT.&#13;
An important question should then be asked: What makes upland farmers adopt technologies like SALT? Studies proposing to seek answers to this and related questions concerning upland development are timely and in order. Hence, this research.&#13;
The problem of this study, therefore was focused on the inquiry on what are the determinants of SALT adoption in the Philippines according to the viewpoints of its adopters.&#13;
More importantly the study focused on the following questions: &#13;
&#13;
1. What is the demographic and socio-cultural profile of the SALT adopters? &#13;
&#13;
2. How were the determinants for SALT adoption formulated? &#13;
&#13;
3. How did the Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao groups vary in their perception of the rank in importance of the determinants? &#13;
&#13;
4. How did the Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao groups vary in the number and rank of SALT practices adopted? &#13;
&#13;
5. How did the SALT adoption affect the income of the adopters? &#13;
&#13;
6. What relevant problems affecting SALT adoption did SALT adopters encounter?
Abstract and introduction
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 1987 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12852/1675</guid>
<dc:date>1987-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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